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its edges (however, see the questionable example of a fending stick in Coggins and Shane 1984:49). The same device is also depicted in carvings at Tollan, and in the context of atlatl and darts (Diehl 1983:51, 62). Since the atlatl-wielding warriors carried these clubs in the left hand with their darts, and the atlatl in the right hand, and since some warriors have only clubs, it indicates the initial use of the atlatl, followed by use of the club in the subsequent hand-to-hand combat. Corroboration of this point is offered in the Códice Borgia (1980, 3:13, 49, 63, 64, 70), where these weapons are also grouped together (and where the curved club is definitely shown to be studded with blades) and by a depiction of Tezcatl-Ihpoca, who is shown wielding an atlatl in his right hand while in his left he holds a shield, darts, and a curved bladed club (Códice Borgia 1980, 3:17). The Codex Nuttall depicts similar scenes of warriors holding shields, darts, and clubs (also shown are an atlatl and bow and arrows) in one hand and a variety of weapons in the other, including the atlatl, thrusting spear, and axe (Nuttall 1975:10, 20, 39, 52, 70, 75, 77). Also, see the mural in the church at Ixmiquilpan of macuahuitl-wielding warriors also wearing arrow quivers (B. Smith 1968:17879). Depictions of warriors holding a macuahuitl or club and shields and bows are also present in the Códice Telleriano-Remensis (196465:289) and in the Códice Vaticano (196465:255). Warriors carrying thrusting spears, shields, and quivers are also depicted in the Códice Telleriano-Remensis (196465:279) and in the Códice Vaticano (196465:2450). Although stela 5 at Uaxactun does show one example of an atlatl being used with a club, Tollan offers the first example of the widespread use of clubs in combat. This would necessitate shifting battle tactics from skirmishing with spears to closing for a decisive hand-to-hand battle. It is likely that this was the technological and tactical change that offered the Toltecs an advantage in their conquest of the Maya at Chichen Itza and not simply the use of bows and arrows. |
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37. Durán 1967, 1:11415 [chap. 11]. |
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38. Sahagún 1954:88. |
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39. Crónica mexicana 1975:359 [chap. 38]; Durán 1967, 2:16667 [chap. 19]. |
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40. Acosta 1604, 2:495 [bk. 7, chap. 17]; Cortés 1971:200 [letter 3]; Crónica mexicana 1975:359 [chap. 37], 402 [chap. 48], 542 [chap. 76]; Durán 1967, 2:166 [chap. 19]. |
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41. Díaz del Castillo 190816, 4:35 [bk. 11, chap. 141]. |
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42. Clavigero 1787, 1:355; Durán 1967, 2:319 [chap. 41]; Sahagún 1954:52. |
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43. Clavigero 1787, 1:371; Martyr d'Anghera 1970 2:135 [decade 5, bk. 5]. While the foregoing was ideally true, it was not always adhered to in the heat of battle. During the Tepanec war the victorious Aztecs became so excited that their soldiers mixed with the enemy instead of remaining in their units (Durán 1967, 2:81 [chap. 9]), although this appears to have had no adverse effect on the rout of the Azcapotzalcas. |
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44. Although not directly cited, this analysis owes much to John Keegan's The Face of Battle. |
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